Vatican and Quirinal

"H
AVING shattered by the revolution the bonds uniting the sword to the pastoral staff, we have armed two worlds and two princes one against the other. The Quirinal and the Vatican face each other. We must settle the ancient conflict between the Prince and the Pontiff, between the State and the Church. We do not wish to leave the task to posterity; secular might must assert itself against ecclesiastical usurpations." So wrote Adrian() Lemmi, Grand Master of Italian Freemasonry, fifty years ago. Masonry and Liberalism succeeded very well in Italy and elsewhere in shattering bonds and arming worlds, but they had to leave to a wiser posterity the solution of every constructive problem, among them that of Church and State. The Vatican and the Quirinal, by a mutual inter. change of visits that have caught the imagination of the whole world, celebrate to-day the peaceful solution of the question that baffled and enraged the anti-clericals of yesterday. And in that very celebration both sides 13.nd the opportunity of preparing help for the rest of the armed and shattered world in its search for a new peace and a new order. Fascism, reacting against the self-seeking intrigue and narrowmindedness of Liberalism, has had its great faults, but it never made the mistake of underestimating the spiritual and moral power of religion. In this respect it was humble and wise where its professedly free-thinking predecessors were conceited and stupid. Its reward has been that religion has helped it instead of destroying it, and this help is enabling religion to help the world. Though the Church has not feared to condemn the excesses of Fascist philosophy, she has never tried to weaken the allegiance of Italian Catholics to its programme and policy. Instead, by a slow but effective process of co-operation with all that was good in it, she has succeeded in softening the asperities of its teaching and smoothed the sharper corners of its structure
No one can doubt to-day the degree in which religious influence in Italy is responsible for the loyalty of Italians to a modern, semi-socialistic and yet authoritative regime suited to the national temperament. Still more is it responsible for the wise Italian foreign policy which, while not abating from its legitimate claims, has drawn away from the anti-Christian crimes of its ally. If Italy is an improving regime and a developing factor for peace rather than war, it is because Church and State, while recognising their differences and boldly admitting their conflicts, have paid one another the compliment of respecting one another. And this the State could not have done in regard to the Church but for a realisation of the superior spiritual and moral quality, as well as wisdom, experience patience and toleration, of the religious teaching and tradition of Ch ristianity.
In other words, Fascism has lost nothing worth preserving, but gained immensely by the understanding, while the Church herself has been enabled to extend her help not only to Italy but to the whole secular world.
And let us not suppose that this fruitful collaboration was a lucky accident. On the contrary, there were exceptional difficulties in the way, as the very different career of Nazism has shown. The plain truth is, on the contrary, that if such an understanding between Church and State proved possible in Fascist Italy because of mutual realism and respect, it would be much easier in democratic countries where constitutions are often outwardly more consonant with the ideals of Christianity. There such collaboration is impeded by hidden and irresponsible powers within the State that prostitute its freedom, and by the bigotry and small-mindedness of self-constituted leaders of " modern " thought who equate the history of the world and of ideas with the limits of their own mind.
We quoted the views of Lemmi, the Freemason, whose words sound so absurd to-day. We may cap them by the views of a typical Liberal Englishman written laat month: " You confront these Catholic politicians," writes H. G. Wells, " with these two cardinal facts, the abolition of distance and the change of scale. You cannot get any realisation of the significance of these things into those idea-proofed skulls. If their minds waver for a moment they utter little magic prayers to exercise the gleam. . . . The war, these Vatican propagandists insist, is a ` crusade ' against modernism, against socialism and free thought, the restoration of priestly authority is its end: our sons are fighting to enable the priest to thrust his pious uncleanliness once again between reader and book, child and knowledge, husband and wife, sons and lovers."
That sort of nonsense was all the rage fifty years ago when Lemmi wrote. The worth of its resurrection to-day by Stalin, Hitler and Wells may be gauged by comparing the achievements of the Italian anticlerical liberals and the work being done by Mussolini.
Irish Courage
R DE VALERA is facing with great courage about as uncomfortable and perplexing a situation as has ever tried an Irish leader. He, and most Irishmen with him, share the aspirations of the extremists, a united and independent Ireland. None the less, he, the revolutionary of yesterday, is utterly opposed to the revolutionary methods of the I.R.A., so much so that he has called for sweeping powers to break it.
He could easily have chosen a different path. He could have taken the wind out of the I.R.A. sails by himself leading the anti-British movement and trying to make Britain's difficulties Ireland's opportunity. He has not chosen the easier way because, though a rebel himself against alien and oppressive rule, he cannot as a Catholic and a statesman tolerate unjustifiable Illegality and a challenge to an autonomous Irish State. As a Catholic and a democrat he has no doubt been influenced since the war by the conduct of Germany and Russia, and he will not purchase a further instalment of Irish freedom with the blood of Poland and Finland.
But if tie will not allow the end to justify unworthy means, he has not changed his ends, and the Irish people will ultimately iudge him by his success, even though they may honour him for his uprightness.
Meanwhile the net effect is a priceless advantage for this country. and one which we shall do well to make permanent by generously meeting the Irish claims. Already enemy propaganda is making the most of the contradiction between our avowed aims and our Irish practice.
Partition must be ended as soon as possible. We owe it to De Valera's Ireland; we owe still more to ourselves and our cause.
In a smaller matter we should sympathetically investigate the confusion caused over conscription by the lack of common understanding of what makes a man an Irishman. Ireland claims to be treated in this respect as an independent country, not as a Dominion. If ever a national leader showed true independence and courage it is Mr De Valera to-day. Not by precedents and ancient red tape is.such a person to be met, but by vision.
Epiphany
HE Epiphany, or " manifestation " of Our Lord to the Magi, may well be called the Gentiles' Christmas. It is the first and greatest feast of the Liturgical year to proclaim the message Christ was to give later in His life: " Go ye and teach all nations." In the long span of years which have elapsed since the day of the manifestation to the men of the East, the Church of Christ has spread throughout the world so that at the present time some 350.000,000 people proclaim their faith in Catholic Christianity, while as many more call themselves Christians.
We may indeed thank God on this feast-day for the great numbers who are taking the place of the Magi and for the graces which make their fervour possible. But just as Christ manifested Himself to the Magi, so it is part of Epiphany for Christians to manifest Christ through themselves to the world, the world which still remains non-Christian. And when we think of the feast under this aspect we shall find less reason for self-congratulation and much more for a redoubling of work and prayer to the Infant Christ.
In the world to-day roughly one man in six is a Catholic. Yet for how much does Catholicity count in the order of Western nations and in their mutual relations?
To-day the world witnesses three wars, each of which is the product of the same maladjustments, the same sins, the same ignorance, the same folly. The wars themselves not only affect the welfare of millions who are not involved: they are, as it were, precipitations of social and intellectual disorders that are destroying our civilisation. Thus, in 1940 it is not a question of muddling through with a half-baked Christianity or relying upon an alternative to Christianity. These have been tried and they have landed us where we stand. It is a question of Christianity or cataclysm. Nevertheless, despite the numbers of Christians and the devotion of so many of them. Christ's manifestation to the Gentiles is not seen.
The Epiphany should make us exercise our minds and examine our consciences to see how far we, who in this fateful year lay our gifts with the Magi. in the crib, are at the same time standing between the manifestation of Christ and the outer world which needs Him so badly.,