ULSTER ON THE BRINK

THE outburst of violence, burning and terror, the calling in of British troops, the prospective Wilson-O'Neill meeting, the Dublin appeal to the United Nations and the emergency debate in the House of Commons, have all shown how parlous is the state of Ulster. Let us make no bones about it : the danger of civil war cannot unfortunately be discounted. If so horrible an aberration should be allowed to happen, all the grim and bloody lessons of recent Irish history will have been wasted and forgotten. Seldom have cool heads and steady nerves been needed more.
'Two vital elements are still lacking in Northern Ireland; conclusive proof that the Unionist Government, having accepted the one-manone-vote principle, is serious about reform, and firm assurance that the large Catholic minority is loyal to the concept of Six County hegemony within the United Kingdom. However unjust the original border settlement may have been, there can be no going back on it at this stage.
The Anglo-Irish Treaty fell far short of meeting all legitimate demands, but the minority who opposed it with such fanaticism caused needless death and misery to many thousands of their fellow Irishmen. There are those on both sides of the border today whose extremism in nationalistic demands could prove the greatest obstacle to justice for those suffering most grievously in Ulster.
A united Ireland is the only long-term solution. But just as Cosgrave was ignored when he spoke in 1923 of gradual movement toward the desired end, so there are those today who are bent on separating the Six Counties, by force if necessary, from ,Stormont and Westminster. Christian consciences are once more in danger of being clogged with the blood of brothers.
Bigotry and tyranny
In contrast to the destructiveness of the Irish Republican Army, the Civil Rights leaders in Ulster have been gaining prestige and sympathy on a wide scale. The risk has suddenly arisen that such very attainments will be forfeited by senseless and useless terrorism. This is an unwarranted step going beyond mere militant demonstration which has been justified as the only available means for giving just grievances adequate publicity.
Few governments in modern times have a worse record for favouritism, bigotry, tyranny, injustice and the suppression of truth than that of the Ulster Unionists for nearly half a century. Demands by Civil Rights spokesmen for impartial enquiries into alleged police brutality against them have either been refused or ignored by the Government. An ominous and highly suspreious circumstance.
The present turmoil is the inevitable legacy of an inconclusive and demoralising General Election. Captain O'Neill, however, has now no option but to act with strength even though his position is weak. General de Gaulle has demonstrated more than once that such a feat is not impossible. But strength must on no account take the form of repression.
The British Prime Minister, for his part, can no longer delay in specifying what reforms the needed, backed up by assurances that Britain is prepared to increase the wholly inadequate sums formerly available for Ulster's requirements. Discrimination in the allocation of housing and jobs are among the festering sores that will continue as long as jobs and houses are so short.
Rules of combat
Both sides to an ugly conflict within Ulster itself must at least agree meanwhile on the rules of combat. Bernadette Devlin has a chance, by restraining as well as inspiring, to outshine the first woman to be elected to the House of Commons. This, though few now remember it, was not Lady Astor, but Constance Gore-Booth, Countess Markiewicz. it is a reassuring sign of the times that Miss Devlin, unlike her Sinn Fein predecessor, has no idealistic reasons for refusing to take her seat in a British Parliament. Today's fight must be carried on only within strictly constitutional limits.
Herein lies Captain O'Neill's best—probably his last—chance. Ever since the election and the events of last October, he knew he would have to face reality sooner or later. At stake is his whole Premiership, which began so promisingly and the good name of all his compatriots. Valuable time having been gained by the acceptance of his ultimatum, he cannot afford not to put facts before factions and people before parties.
His failure to carry through reforms as rights and not as mere policies, would justify Bernadette Devlin's grim forebodings over civil war. If there is further bloodshed, it will be a loathsome victory for the implacables of both sides and a crushing indictment of statesmen who, in less challenging times, pride themselves on their sagacity and strength.