Cool reason versus bravado

Shimon Peres by Matti Golan (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, £12.50).
SHIMON Peres, once the disciple of the "Old Man" of Israel's short history, David Ben-Gurion, became leader of Israel's Labour Party in 1977, and then fought — and to his horror, lost — two elections against the present Prime Minister, Menahem Begin.
The burn-about in 1977, when for the first time in Israel's history a non-Labour administration was formed, was a grievous shock. Maybe the failure in 1981 was worse; Begin was apparently a sick man, the country's finances seemed to be in a state of ruin and Begin's own Likud Party was divided and immature. A majority of Israelis cast their votes for a man who seemed to represent an ethos of defiance and survival. Peres was by-passed.
He had planned his political career with the cool forethought and sensible judgment which are the hallmarks of his pursuit of reason and common sense. He helped to produce arms, for selfdefence, in Israel's early, difficult days. He moved into the realm of defence because he knew that Israel could never afford to lose a major battle, let alone a war. That would mean its total obliteration as a state, even perhaps a second holocaust, only less dreadful because there were not the six million Jews available who were put to death by the Nazis.
As Deputy, and then as Minister of Defence, Peres helped to create Israel's infant, but now flourishing, aircraft industry, to fashion an ultramodern, almost impressionist, army and to develop a nuclear potential whose nature remains deliberately indefined today.
National security, Peres knew, was of the essence of survival for his small country, surrounded by sworn enemies. A most pragmatic politician, he worked quietly and coolly both in office and in opposition. Odds were against him. His Labour Party deteriorated, and was rent by the personal animosity between him and Yitzhak Rabin, for a short time Prime Minister.
Peres had to reunify his party, an uphill job which, after six years in the political wilderness, is only about 60 per cent achieved. He had to present alternative policies to those of the Begin governments.
But the Israeli electorate is caught between moods of euphoria and apprehension — a situation which suits Prime Minister Begin very well. Emotion plays a big part in the survival of a state with much less than half the population of London, encircled with enemies.
Begin is dramatically emotional. Peres is not, although he feels very deeply, probably much more deeply than men who flaunt their hearts upon their sleeves.
This biography fails to explain Peres as a man. It keeps alive the welcome hope that cool reason will prevail over bravado and that an Israeli government bent on peace will duly emerge. Once again, the odds are against Peres, and wildly in favour of Begin and his hatchet-man Minister of Defence, Arik Sharon.
Beset by enemies and deserted by former friends, Israelis are ready to embrace flamboyance — Sharon is by no means the only example, for all Israeli politics have become imbued with exuberance. Bad judgment could be an obvious by-product.
Of course, there can, and almost certainly will be, a change of mood in due course. Begin's slender majority in Parliament means there is a strong case for a broadly-based government — if the peaceprocess is to be extended to include Lebanon, Jordan and the Palestinians. Then Peres' wise counsels and ingrained moderation would be of very real value.
It should not be forgotten that he played a leading part in forging the friendship with France which lasted until De Gaulle reversed the Middle East policies of his predecessors. Peres understands other Europeans, too, and he would be the ideal man to repair relations with the EEC Ten.
Peres is a survivor; he and his family got out of Europe just in time, before Hitler's minions arrived. Could one suggest that the story of this man is a reminder that, for Jews, survival is almost all? It is, for Israel.
Terence Prittie.