Irish News Letter EIRE . DECIDES WHAT IS PROPAGANDA

From Our Own Correspondent
DUBLIN.
The difficulties cif censorship in a neutral and democratic State were illustrated when strong
criticism was brought against Mr. Frank Aiken, the Minister responsible, in the Dail. Deputy James Dillon alleged that a " pro-Axis slant " was given to the news and to film exhibitions.
True to the State's democratic principles, the deputy was permitted to make strong charges in strong terms,
and was reported in extenso, The Minister replied in detail, and set forth the principles by which he is guided in those difficult decisions that he has to take daily.
lie said that there was no suppression of the views of belligerent nations. He never had cut a word from the speeches of those countrie,s' leaders. Eery one of them, therefore, so far as the national leaders spoke of them, laid its case before public opinion, and our people could judge. It was another matter to allow publication of unauthorised utterances, made solely for propaganda.
He had been charged with suppressing things said on the Allied side in this way. He gave examples of things that he had suppressed on the other side. Many things uttered by Axis propagandists received publicity in Britain, which he refused publicity in Ireland. Thus, English papers had carried charges made against Mrs. Roosevelt, but he had suppressed them in our papers. Japanese allegations that American forces had used poison gas were suppressed here. Charges that Russia was responsible for the martyxdoms in Spain had been made by a Catholic organisation in America, but he would not allow them publication. In general, atrocity stories, from whatever source, were suppressed. Everyone knew how much harm they did before, and what they were worth: It had been alleged that films showing the Arnericen Army in training and in action were forbidden exhibitionand especially a film showing American chaplains at their sacred work on the battlefield. A good many films showing the American Army were allowed. One in especial, which depicted American sailors repelling a Japanese attack, had been most popular everywhere. It wasg purely objective. If only there were more films like this, they would be welcome. As for the film showing the American chaplains at work, that had indeed been suppressed in out State. but not for reasons of neutrality. It was at the instance of the Church that this had been withdrawn from exhibition.
Thies statement surprised hearers. Mr. Aiken went on to explain that the film purported to show American Catholic priests whispering portions of the Talmud into the ears of dying soldiers In a word, it was a misrepresentation of reality—it was false to what it put ported to be, a transcript of the work of chaplains.
DIFFICULTIES OF BEING OBJECTIVE Mr. Aiken also explained certain very difficult decisions, as when a portrait of President Roosevelt before an American hag was cut from a picture. The passage in question was a direct, and of course legitimate, appeal fen applause: but, in a neutral State, things had to be cut which would set one side of the HoUse applauding against the other. The Minister cited an example, where an enthusiastic lady applauded a certain portrait, and other persons present took her action as committing the House unless they protested. Iler zeal produced a " scene " that never would occur if she were silent. In other countries similar demonstrations had led to conflicts. Hence, it must be the rule to show only objective and impartial pictures and to avovid appeals to emotion that might prompt demonstrations and counter-dcmonstrations.
The Minister's statement seems to have received general approval. Its frankness enabled fair-minded people to appreciate the impossibility, as long as a country is neutral, of permitting shows that are likely to stir up feeling. All the -House, I think, approved ot the suppre,seion of atrocity stories and pictures. Ireland, for ages the victim of propaganda, is suspicious of atrocity talcs and believes them illegitimate both from the standpoint of equity and of Christian charity. The Minister's principle, that nations should be free to state their aims and ideals in full, hut only through their accredited spokesmen—this seems an ideal rule, not for censorship in neutral countries alone, but everywhere.
A further example of principle in propaganda was raised by the demand of some suffering Northern Nationalists that the Trish radio should be used fot anti-Partition propaganda.
Mr. Seen MacEntee, himself a native of Belfast, publicly repudiated such a policy. The Minister said that, if the Irish radio should he used for political propaganda, it would provoke a reply, and there would be a radio war that would ,embitter feeling and convince nobody. That was not the way to advance the cause that few could have closer to the heart than he, the cause of the reunion of Ireland. The Minister has been assailed for his firm discouragement of a propaganda that is not in accord with the wisdom of the best experienced leaders. Ireland will make known her case for reunion, through her national spokesmen, as firmly and frequently as possible, but she will ;sot encourage the use of radio ---as in some other lands--to raise angry passions and to prorke situations dangerous to peace, and to het present gains.
DE VALERA'S LIFE
At last a full and one may say authoritative life of Eamon de Valera has been published. It is a large, tightly-packed, yet exceedingly readable book from the pen of Mr. M. J. MacManus, literary editor of the Irish Press, bibliographer and historian, one of the most unobtrusive yet most popular men of letters in Ireland : and the publishers are the Talbot Press.
The appearance of this solid work is an event, because at so critical a lime it provides a history of the period in which Ireland's foitunes, and het international relations, have been shaped under the leadership of a man who, more than any Irishman of the past, is a figure in world affairs. The work, no doubt, bristles with controversy : its subject makes that inevitable Despite his almost unrivalled intimacy with his theme—one can think of only one other Irish writer, Mr. Frank Gallagher, who also could have written the hook—Mr. MacManus naturally has passed oser some topics that some people would, have wished to Set i treated: but, n the main, I doubt if a more thorough piece of biographicai work has been done with a still-Heing subject.
Whether friend or foe, admirer or critic, considers Eamon de Valera, the immensity of his influence on history is undenied; so it is curious to learn from his biographer that, when the infant leader-to-be was orphaned in America sixty years ago, his Spanish grandfather reached New York, intending to adopt him, just after his Irish uncle, Patrick Coll, had taken him away to his motherland. • It is as if chance, or Providence, then dictated the events that have determined the lives of so many of us, If Eamon dc Valera had been taken to-Cubainstead of County Limerick, what would have been the trend of Anglo-Irish history since 1916? and what would have been the field of his dynamic later energies?
A PURGE OF LABOUR
The Irish Labour Party threshed out in private the crisis in its ranks Several members considered to have Communist affinities were expelled and the subsidy was withdrawn from a Leftist paper which had involved the Party in much criticism : this paper thereupon ceased publication. In effect, therefore, the strong orthodoxy of the rank and file of working Ireland compelled a purge which never would have been necessary if a clearer social philosophy had been taught in the past.
A statement was issued repudiating Communism, which was all to the good ; hut as the statement coupled Communism with Fascism, which also was repudiated, there seemed to be a touch of unreality in the first repudiation. There is no Fascism in Ireland. When a Fascist organisation rose 10 years ago it was repudiated instantly and emphatically by the people's instinct To couple a real danger with an imaginary bogey deprives the Labour statement of that ring of sincerity which we would desire.
IRELAND ISOLATED
The British authorities having suspended the issue of naviccrts to Irish vessels sailing to Lisbon, Ireland's sealink with the outer world is brdten Ships intended for the Lisbon voyage -to bring home wheat and paper—have been tied up and crews paid off.
This severe hardship is accepted in Ireland as a temporary necessity, rising from the measures deemed necessary by Britain to seal the western seas dur log the tremendous operations now impending. Were it other than a temporary measure, regretfully imposed on neutral Ireland, it would be inconsistent with Britain's just and liberal war-time dealings with us hitherto.