ANGLICAN PRIMATE AND THE GERMANS

THE Archbishop of Canterbury has given in an introduction to a pamphlet, Christ and Our Enemies, by Stephen Hobhousc, an extremely important lead which we shall surely all do well to heed. The Archbishop, emphasising the underlying moral unity of Christians under such differences as those between the pacifist and the non-pacifist and, still more, under political differences, confesses that he has changed his mind in regurd bo whether there must be a " penal element " in regard to Germany in the peace terms. " The intensification of the bombing of German cities," he says, " BOOMS to Die to have altered that. Those of us who believe that this intense bombing is justified as a military measure, aiming at the checking of Germany's power to Produce war material, must also recognise that it constitutes a penalty for German aggression so grew diet no other can he called bor. • Whatever may be appropriate as a policy for the preventilin of future eggression and the establishment of security in Europe, or as an execution of justice in relation to some individuals, any thoughts pf ' punishing Germany, more than the course of the war is punishing her, must henusforth he excluded from the minds of those who are under obligation to find and follow the way of Christ."
This view of the Head of the Established Church, contrasting so violently with the views of most politicians, publicists and press (as discussed in out leading article this week) supports, we believe, the views of the Holy Father as expressed in his many allocutions, (The Pope, however, writing from a more detached point of view, speaks of belligerent intentions as " reprisais and revenge " rather than as " punishment," and, in so far, his teaching is even more definite.) We are glad, too, Co read this week the proposals of the Liberal Committee on what to do with Germany afte, the war. This Committee's ehainian is Lord Perth and one of its six members is Sir Philip Gibbs, two names that will raise the confidence of then fellow-Catholics, Their proposalS, which are certainly strict, do seem however to give a reasonable content to the Archbishop's cautionary remark about ' whatever may be appropriate as a policy for the prevention of future aggression, etc." But best of ell we like in it their warning that " there will never be a peaceful Germany until there is a peaceful Europe with Germany incorporated in it," a warning which follows from the truth that the destruction of present German ideology will leave an unsatisfied void which must be filled by positive and better ideals.
Christian Unity
IT may seem to some that the Popo, 1 the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Liberal Committee and such minorities as a newspaper like this one may represent are all really beside the point. The shape of Europe and the world will be determined, not by Christian and Liberal leaders and writers, but by the political ambitions and needs of great Powers. What is the use of pleading For reason in the case of Germany when already deep betrayals are being plotted and accomplished at the expense of friends and neutrals, when each great Power is angling for position, when smaller Powers are trying to compensate for past weaknesses, and when there is scarcely a country in Europe between Britain and Russia which cart be certain of security and stability ?
Yet it is precisely in a world of this kind that the voice of Christianity has to be raised., The outbreak or wai, while it perplexes the Christian conscience, also Wide to weaken its testimony; for consciences are torn between the Christian claims of patriotism or resistance to evil and the Christian realisation of the evil of wax. Them need be no such conflict in the hour of victory. There may well be political differences, hut such differences should amount to little as compared with the Christian unity that should atend firm behind the great paradox of the Christion faith: the teaching of Our Lord that strength and effectiveness come from seeming weakness, from love and forgiveness, from faith in God and ffis reasonable law, from the great advertlure of trust in our fellow-men so that we do not do LO them what we would not have them do to us, were we in their circumstances.
For our fellow-Catholics the Holy Father has repeatedly spoken—and it may be that out own Hierarchy will consider the opportunenese of interpreting his lead in terms that would apply in more detail to our own conditions. For many Anglicans the Archbishop of Canterbury has now spoken. The unity of Christians in this country behind an outlook of Christian charity, justice and commonsense would surely he a potent force. And even if it weir overridden. and the world plunged on into yet more frightful Wars, it would remain as a witness to the one remedy which the vain and unteachablc secularist world rejects at its peril.
FRANCE AND THE VATICAN
THE news that General de Gaulle has appointed a representative of the Provisional Government to the Holy See reads
curiously. In fact, relations between France and the Vatican have never been better than under Vichy, and wherever else a change of French ragimes may improve matters, it is hardly likely to be in its diplomatic relations with the Pope. M. Berard, Petain's Ambassador at the Vatican, has been most helpful in interpreting the iliffieultiee and problems of Vichy to the Holy See, while Mgr. Valera the nuncio in Paris, has been a., tower of strength in giving practical and /nose] aid to France in spiritual and religious matters.
One can only take General de Gaulle at his word when he expresses the hope that all will be well in the future. Certainly the difficulties will not come front the Vatican nor from the great majority of the French clergy. These are well used to changes in temporal powers, pnd their tradition is IE sus their duty to spiritual needs in any temporal conditions. It is said that politically there is some division in the French clergy, the older and more responsible feeling a genuine devotion to a rdisime which has really tried to heal the wounds of the past, while many of the younger set a higher store on political and social changes that may be expected in the future. Great tact seems to have been used under Vichy in regard to such differences.. One hopes that equal tact will be used in the future with regard to those who feel some loyalty to the marshal. Unfortunately some incidents that have taken place in Morocco suggest that there are elements which prefer clerical trouble.
to clerical peace. We hope that the General will be strong enough and wise enough to control them.
THE STATE OF ITALY
THE Rome correspondent of the Times has made some particularly revealing disclosures about the present state of Italy which more than justify the warnings given in these columns. He explains that though everybody is anti-Fascist now, the Fascist purge is largely a farce. It has to ,be. as the great Italian leer is one of mass-unemployment, following the break-up of the Fascist selasufficiencY system and inflation of jobs. To remove many Fascist administrators could Only cause greater chaos and precipitate trouble. To make up for this the Italian parties are growing in numbers and becoming increasingly hostile towards one another. The Allied occu nation and its need for ceonornic aud transport priorities, with no clear picture of Italy's present and future status, aggravate thew troubles.
The stage is set in other woods for the growth and strength of the Com munist Party under Togliatti, Despite the fact that its opponents gleefully point out that half the staff of the Corninunist paper Unita held authenticated jobs under the Fascists, Italian Communists are clearly .shaping to he a great national patty. Their leader Togliatti is all things to all men in his public .utterances, holding out olive branches to the Church and the bur geoisie equally. At the same time the party leadership is autocratic towards its own adherents to a degree which strongly recalls Fascist traditions?'
The coriesponclent seems to hope that more thoughtfulness on the part of the Allied Occupation (something more like " the greater solicitude of the Russians") will help; but the picture he draws suggests very strongly that the direct transiting from totalitarianism to democracy is an impossible one.
Part of the picture, no doubt, is due to the character of the Italians themselves and their sufferings under tiefeat and occupation. but we greatly fear that other countries may well experience similar trials and run similar risks of Left totalitarianism taking the place of Right if public opinion in this courttry and America is not prepared to acknowledge that leadership and authority may prove quicker roads to the restoration of freedom than the squabbles of ex-politicians. The people of Italy may live to regret the House of Savoy and Badoglio initially supported igy the victors.
WAR AND RACIAL PREJUDICE
ANTI-Semitism is not the only
form of racial prejudice with which we shall have to contend after the war. A recurrence of this phobia is likely, especially, by all accounts, in the U.S.A. But it is no less evident that any failure to curry out the policy of full employment is going to reawaken American suspicion of negro domination. The leaders of both the chief political parties are in favour of granting the coloured people unequivocal electoral rights, but the section opposed to this is still powerful enough to prevent the passing of measures that would Mute it. The riots in Detroit lag year have been repeated on a less specteculat scale this year, and Raymond Gram. Swing asserts that these outbreaks of the old feud are due to the fears of white workers that, in the post-war settlement, the negroes will get mole than their lair ehare of the jobs going, It is curious to find that, in the United States as in South Africa, it is Labour which foments strife between white and black. Democratic sends meet would seem to be inapplicable to possible competitors on the labour market. It is equally interesting to note that the incidents are instructive as to the limitations ot the influence which military victory can achieve in changing papule' prejudices. Not a hundred years ago a bitter civil war appeared to have settled the negro question in the U,S. Emancipation Was poclaimed and all was believed to be well. But the civil war did not kill the rooted antipathy towardsthe coloured people ; it exists still in strong force. And this fact should make us cautious in estimating the extent to which even the tompletest victory over Nazi racialism will he able to eradicate it from the minds and hearts of the people concerned MORRISON AND CARCELLAR
RENOR Carcellar, Spain's
ister of Industry and Commerce, has declared that Spain's poverty in the past was due to the introduction of the principles enunciated by Rousseau and Adam Smith. He admitted that while rich nations may be ahle to afford a liberal economy, for a pool nation this is ruinous. Finally, he was able to assert that Government controls had brought order out of chaos by protecting the interests of both producer and employer by fusing both in the national interest. As a consequence, Spain was able to repay her loans and to buy gold.
Apart from the naming of Adam Smith, chiefly resixinsible for the economic theory on •which nineteenthcentury Capitalism was based and therefore the object of much Socialistic denunciation, it is instructive to compare this speech with the utterances of Mr. Herbert Morrison. The reference to the merging of producers' and employers' interests by fusing both in the service of the State might have come from the Horne Secretary himself, whose favourite theme is the need of continuing the control of industry after the war That a Minister of Phalangist Spain and a forthright Labour Minister in this country should find themselves in agreement in principle on such a matter is no coincident:es It comes from the fact that behind the most extreme political differences there is a common economic need due to modern technique and modern conditions of life. The honest servant of his public is the one who admits the truth and acts in the light of it.
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