CATHOLICS AND WORLD AFFAIRS XII (Conclusion)

PLAYING with WORLD REVOLUTION
By DOUGLAS JERROLD
This is the last article in Mr. Douglas Jerrold's series
Catholics and World Affairs.
Douglas Jerrold will resume his weekly articles early in 1939. S I write this concluding article on the contemporary situation on the Continent, events in France are moving to the pre-arranged crisis. The alliance between the revolutionary movement in Spain and the French Communists and Left Wing Socialists has been from the beginning very close. So was the alliance between these two forces and M. Benes. The move ment towards revolution has not, however, gone on its intended path.
The intention of Dr. Benes, as witnessed by his mobilisation in May, when Germany's Rhine frontier was undefended, was to promote a European war, into which France would be drawn
supremacy of the revolutionary forces thus established in Western Europe.
A VERY CLOSE SHAVE Crisis and World Revolution
The direct association of M. Benes and M. Blum with definitely atheistic doctrines is an historical fact, as is the association of the French Front Populaire, the Spanish Frente Popular and Dr. Benes himself with Grand Orient Masonry. The idea that England could be induced first to save the Spanish Revolution by intervention, and secondly to take part in a European war provoked by Dr. Benes proved a delusion. We must realise, however, how nearly both these guesses proved true. Barely half the Cabinet were strongly opposed to direct intervention in Spain : until the crisis, only a small minority of the Cabinet even suggested that France should be required to cease that support of Barcelona which alone has kept the Spanish war going during the last ten months.
Today that support is being given once more. Only the initiative of one man defeated the second half of the revolutionary programme, and even Mr. Chamberlain could not, but for Italian collaboration, have preserved the peace in face of
the unpardonable ruthlessness of the German reaction to Dr. Benes's equivocations. It is the great good fortune of the revolutionaries that they can always count on German diplomacy to bring to their side a great volume of British and American support. That large body of Anglo-Saxon opinion, almost certainly a clear majority, which is inveterately opposed to the forces of world revolution, finds itself ham-strung again and again by the very legitimate disgust inspired by German methods.
Nevertheless, as the CA-FROLIC HERALD truly observed in its leading article last week, we must keep our heads. We must learn to put first things first. We must realise that it was an atheistic and revolutionary conspiracy which has been defeated. We must realise that, however bitter the consequences of Munich, the triumph of Dr. Benes and M. Litvinoff would have been infinitely worse, both for the cause of humanity and for the cause of Christ.
We must also realise that the battle is not yet over.
The revolutionary situation created this week in France is the last gambler's throw. The very men who fought behind the barricades of Madrid and on the Ebro are ready, and with passionate sincerity, to man the barricades in Paris. The French strikes are not industrial. They are concerned, fundamentally, with no domestic issue. They are the last desperate weapon of the still undefeated advocates of world revolution. France, I prophesy, will say of them as she has said to other no less determined forces : " Its ne passeront pas."
I prophesy that behind the muddy slogans which the international canaille are spewing into all the gutters of the world will be found no equal strength of will nor intensity of conviction. Out of this demoralised chaos, 1 prophesy that Catholic France will eventually arise triumphant, and that the menace and the shame of revolution will in time be removed.
NOT JUST A MONEY MATTER The Christian Issue
It is easy to prophesy these things. But it is necessary to remember how near we are to irreparable disaster. In the English secular press not one voice has been raised to define the real issues. Even today, at the moment of crisis, when the last card is being played, and all is at stake, no-one in the country seems alive to the gravity of the issue. They are asking whether the Jews of Germany will have their wealth stolen from them in cash or in kind.
What matters is whether Christian civilisation can be saved for France and Spain without the catastrophe of a world war.
If the forces of revolution win in France, the Spanish war will develop into a war which will decimate Europe, and in that war we shall fight, whether we want to or
not. 1 will not say on which side. 1 refuse to believe that we should aid a revolutionary France to impose the will of the Grand Orient Lodges on Catholic Spain. That, however, is what we should be asked to do by a Communist France. And if we refused, we should see the eclipse of our secular power for a generation.
That position has been put plainly by Mr. Chamberlain to the present rulers of France : we and France alike stand or fall with the preservation or destruction of the
present French regime. It is an extraordinary condemnation of democracy — a crushing and cruel condemnation—that this vital issue for civilisation should be fought out in France, with the assistance of Great Britain and the United States, while no
English journalist or politician dares so much as to hint what is in progress. " The flight from sterling " continues, we are told. What is happening is that, unknown to the British and American public, the franc is being supported with President Roosevelt's concurrence at an artificial sterling valuation to enable M. Daladier to fight his battle against international communism and its obscene ally, international finance. Let it be recorded to his credit, when there is so much to be recorded on the other side, that in this battle Herr Hitler is on the side of the angels. The proposed visit of Herr von Ribbentrop to Paris is the Fuehrer's contribution to the solution of a crisis of the utmost gravity for the whole of Western Europe.
DALADIER DOES NOT INSPIRE CONFIDENCE
In paying tribute to Mr. Neville Chamberlain first of all—not since the days of Marlborough has any Englishman played so decisive a role in the politics of Europe —to President Roosevelt, and to the Duce, we must not omit the services of M.
Daladier. He is not a spectacular figure. His party is largely responsible for the present events. His political affiliations do not inspire confidence. But he may yet be man enough to save the State, and who saves France saves Europe. That we must continue to believe, else no political faith is any longer possible.
The amazing feature of the crisis has been not the impotence of democracy but its ability to transcend its limitations and to act decisively without regard for political considerations.
Cynics may say that the democratic Powers saved democracy by acting with arbitrary force, entirely regardless of their respective public opinions. Wiser men will say that democracies entrust with the supreme authority of government only those whom they deem capable of decisive action when occasion demands.
What the next few months may hold remains uncertain. What is certain is that we in Great Britain must remain steadfastly loyal to the essentials of Christian civilisation. We shall be asked, on this plea or on that, to support the enemies of the Church here, there and everywhere. We shall be told that the German menace demands it. We must never surrender. We stand or fall with the enemies of world revolution, because the supporters of world revolution, however harmlessly disguised, however deluding or deluded, are the enemies of Christ and His Church.
We must however continue to oppose and condemn persecution wherever it occurs and not merely when it suits us: we must never lend ourselves to be the allies of persecutors.
The path of safety is not as easy as that. If the uneasy situation is exploited by Germany, we must be ready to resist. If it is exploited by the friends of Moscow, we must be equally ready. Either may seek our friendship in their own illegitimate interests. Our interests and our duty alike dictate an armed neutrality, save only that the French regime must be defended, as far as it lies in our path, against the forces of revolution, and the cause of national Spain against aggression from without.
Our interests in both cases are at one with the interests of the Church. A militant atheism installed in the seat of govern ment in France means a renewal of the Spanish war on an international scale. In such a conflict we cannot honourably be neutral and yet we separate from France at our peril. Such a situation must therefore not be allowed to arise.
To ensure against it, our co-operation with Italy must be intensified and we must insist on the reconciliation of Italy and France.
M. Daladier's stand against international communism, if it succeeds, will make this reconciliation easier. If it fails, we must be careful not to extend our unconditional support to any revolutionary French government. Our support is vital to any government in Paris which desires to be stable : we may therefore have the chance of playing a decisive role. We may yet hope, however, that the decisive role was played at Munich, and that the issue as between democracy and international financial communism is already decided on the Continent.
WHAT FOLLOWS? PEACE IN OUR TIME?
On the contrary. What follows is that the conflict will be transferred here, to this once Christian country. The enemies of Christ are not easily defeated. After Spain, Czechoslovakia : after Czechoslovakia, France : after France, Great Britain. That is the rhythm of history, that is the lesson of logic. Let us look to our fleet. Let us watch and pray.
In concluding now this short series of articles on the international situation, I wish to remind readers of the CATHOLIC HERALD that when I undertook to write the series I could not know that they would fall to be written during the three most critical months of our recent history. I am by no means sure that, had I known, I should have accepted the responsibility which, as things were, was thrust upon me. Far be it from me to claim for myself any responsibility beyond that derived from the exercise of the right, still in part remaining (even to Catholics), of free speech on a public platform on important occasions. The fact remains that the occasions were important. Views had to be expressed: policies supported or condemned : a note of dogmatism was inevitable. I do not apologise for it: I merely regret the neces sity. In the face of urgent events, it is necessary to make up one's mind, and to urge other people to do the same. It would suit my temper better to leave the issue open, to state the facts on both sides, to leave my readers to form their opinion. But there are times when we must say what we think. If I am allowed to contribute another series of articles to the CATHOLIC HERALD, it will, I hope, be in times less critical. I hope, but I do not confidently expect. We are at a turning point in our history. It will be what we make it. IN THE NEXT FEW MONTHS.